Breaking News Update
Breaking News
Colombo - MDP regional President for South Huvadhoo Atoll, Saleem Ali passed away very suddenly this morning after suffering a heart attack. He has been in Lanka for the past couple of months settling his family there. Mr. Saleem is one of the most prominent activists of MDP and has been under pressure from the Dictator as he is constantly called to appear in court and was jailed a few times in the last couple of year. Mr. Saleem is also a close relative of DO Editor in Chief, Sappe'. Saleem will be greatly missed. On behalf of DO readers and members of MDP, we send our deepest condolences to Saleem's family and pray to Almighty Allah to grant him eternal bliss.
Editorial
Dhivehi Observer, 16 December 2007
"Violence! Violence! Violence!" When those three lethal words left Dictator Gayoom's lips during that now infamous interview, there were some among our people who did wonder if the protest was all about violence. Now, two years later, the realization of those words have come to fruition. Now, we are wiser as to why those words oozed so smoothly out of the Dictator's lips. Violence is what he knows. Violence is what he practices. Violence is what he will resort to in the future.
To be fair on our own leader, it is not unusual that in dictatorships, the criminal fraternity is utilized to further a Dictator's cause. In this regard, Dictator Gayoom is no pioneer. Quite often violent gangs, juvenile delinquents and drug dealers are used to promote an undesirable agenda while the regime turns a blind eye. This way the regime maintains its "innocence" in front of its citizens and the international community at large, while all their dirty work is continued by these elements. 
In the run-up to the referendum last August, several such deals were done with Male's criminal fraternity by this regime. Dictator Gayoom promised them police protection and to release those members of these gangs serving time in prison in return for harassing the Parliamentary campaign. One such member of a gang who do not wish to be named stated that, "we were informed by the police that if we removed the Parliamentary campaign posters and replaced them with the Presidential campaign posters, they will provide us protection in our drug dealings. They will also release three of our members who were serving time in prison". So that is what we did and we had our brothers back with us within a few weeks.
The Dictator also uses these criminal elements to harass all his opponents. When Dr. Hassan Saeed and Ahmed Jameel resigned as the Attorney-General and the Justice Minister respectively, he used one such gang to throw oil on to the houses of the former Ministers. Apparently the Dictator later laughed about it and said, "a small incident happened last night", referring to the unsavoury attack.
While all this continues the people of Male are living in total trepidation about the spiralling violence. They are not safe inside their homes. They are not safe outside their homes. One does not know when one would be mugged, knifed, or even killed. Male' has indeed become the gang capital of South Asia.
However, the Dictator's "contribution" to our society as the patron of these gangs goes much deeper. The question is why have our youth fallen into such bottomless pits? The answer is fairly obvious. Poverty. While we claim that the Maldives is one of the newly developing countries with a per capita income over $2500, our most vulnerable stakeholders, our youth, are growing up in disillusionment. With poor education, lack of decent housing, and very little chance of a respectable job with a reasonable pay in the 21st century Maldives, and almost zilch chance of reaching the higher echelons of society, our youth are easily driven into drug abuse and crime. And who is there to exploit their vulnerabilities? Our very own Dictator Gayoom.
It is all very well to blame Chikaa and Rabarey (and the numerous others) who partake in these violent activities terrorizing our society. While not condoning their criminal actions, we also need to look beyond these misguided youth. Deliberate lack of social policies has left our young people extremely exposed. It is not rocket science to know that children growing up in hardship and from deprived backgrounds could internalize their problems and release them later in a violent form. However, this regime is turning a blind eye to these problems because the Dictator can later use these young people for his own benefit. He entices them with lucrative offers of money or to turn a blind eye to their undesirable actions in society in return for them to do his dirty work.
It might have been a gang of young people who murdered Ali Ishar. However, it is Dictator Gayoom who is the real Grim Reaper.
"This is how fair and free elections can be ensured," Benazir Bhutto recently told reporters after demanding that President Pervez Musharraf hand over power to a caretaker government in preparation for next year's Pakistani general elections. She knows what she is talking. Dictators and their kleptocratic governments are not famous for bagging fair-play awards in elections. For a copybook example of a poll conducted under a dictator one needs to look no further than the Maldives national referendum of August 2007. In the no-holds-barred campaign of Gayyoom's ruling DRP Party, administrative offices in the islands and atolls were turned into party campaign offices. Government officials were given hasty promotions on election eve to 'motivate' them into becoming party activists for the occasion. Public money flowed freely to bribe communities and individuals to rig the polls.
To prevent such flagrant rigging, some countries have adopted the practice of handing over power to a transitional government to preside over elections. A transitional government is a temporary ruling organization usually put into place pending the establishment of a permanent government. A caretaker government is similar and is often set up following a war until stable democratic rule can be restored, or installed, in which case it is often referred to as a provisional government. Caretaker governments may also be put in place when a government in a parliamentary system is defeated in a motion of no confidence or when the parliament is dissolved, to rule the country for an interim period until an election is held and a new government is formed. Such practice is common in UK, Australia and other parliamentary democracies.
Bangladesh has adopted this practice with considerable success in minimizing electoral fraud. They appoint a caretaker government led by a former chief judge to rule the country for 3 months before an elected government takes over.
In Bangladesh, the practice of rigging elections started during the military regime of General Zia and continued under General Ershad. The Parliaments elected through these rigged elections were used to legitimize their usurpation of power. This practice continued till 1996, when the blatant rigging of a by-election at Magura led to such public outrage that Begum Zia's government was forced to accept the proposal for a caretaker government and enact the necessary change in the Constitution.
The Bangladeshi experiment with this system in 1996 proved to be a success. Neither side complained of rigging. Admittedly there were minor complaints but on the whole the elections were accepted as free and fair. Both the national and international observers expressed satisfaction about the arrangements.
The justification for caretaker governments springs from the deep distrust of the outgoing government amongst the people. It is the result of repeated failure, on the part of the elected governments, to conduct elections fairly and honestly. It is also the result of the government's shameless manipulation of the levers of power to rig the election in order to ensure its own victory. In such situations opposition parties know they do not stand a ghost of a chance to win if the ruling party remains in office.
In this respect how has Gayyoom's government conducted itself over the last 3 decades? It is an open secret that through his brother Hameed who controlled the atolls, Gayyoom managed to turn every past presidential election into a farce, making it an inter island competition to get the highest percentage of votes for the dictator. While the Chiefs of winning islands got promotions and their islands rewarded with development projects, underperforming chiefs and their islands were penalized. When the people of Kelaa Island in Haa Alifu Atoll dared to reject Golhaaboa in the 1998 elections, their island was treated like a pariah for years.
To avoid the plight of Kelaa, the chiefs of other islands devised innovative methods to get the votes right. In one island, the chief duped the islanders into giving 100% 'yes' votes for the dictator by instruction voters to put a big 'yes' on the ballot paper if they liked him and a small 'yes' if they did not. Many katheebs inspected the completed ballot papers and prevented them from being put in the box if negative. If after all this, someone still manages to cast a vote against the dictator, katheebs had devised many interesting backup methods to fish out the vote papers and 'clean' them.
Golhaa and his brother Hameed used these methods in all past elections including the latest in 2003. He may of course claim that the rigging occurred before he became a born again democrat in 2004. But the referendum of August 2007 was rigged just 3 months back, after the dictator had claimed he was fully 'reformed.' Thus one would have to be extremely gullible to believe he will play fair in the coming elections. So a caretaker government is a must to ensure the next election is free and fair.
But getting Gayyoom to agree to a transitional government will be easier said than done. He knows that a camel could pass through the eye of a needle more comfortably than he could win a free and fair election. So, he will need a lot of persuasion to agree. This is where well-wishers in the international community can help the country's transition to democracy.
History shows that international pressure is crucial in getting dictators and warring factions to agree to share power. In recent examples from Africa such as Somalia and Democratic Republic of Congo, vital roles were played by EU, US, the African Union and South Africa in 'persuading' the dictators and warlords to agree to transitional governments.
Next year's presidential election is perhaps a once in a lifetime chance for the present generation of Maldivians to see a democratic government in their country. They would certainly hope that friends in the international community will not let them down in their hour of need.
| NSS | November 1988 | ||
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| Mohamed Ibrahim, Bahaaruge, Mulhadhoo island, Haa Alifu atoll. | Husain Adam Maavaage, Kulhuddhufushi island, Haa Dhaalu atoll. | ||
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| Abdulla Zuhairu, Shareefaa- manzil, Thinadhoo island, Gaaf Dhaalu atoll. | Mohamed Hasan, Rabeeuge, Dhiyamigili island, Thaa atoll. | ||
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| Kuda Thutthu son of Kuda Adam, Kauslip, Maafannu, Male'. | Kuda Nevithutthu Maniku, Vattheenige, Henveiru, Male'. | ||
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| Husain Mohamed, Mabusthanuge, Thulhaadhoo island, Baa atoll. | Adam Naseeru, Sheydeevilla, Henveiru ward, Male'. | ||
It was the second day of November in 1988 when my son had high fever and my wife had a hard time during the day because she quite young and needed medical assistance which we had not received. Our only son was in danger of brain damage and we were putting wet towels on him to reduce his temperature.
I had to stay up late to help my son. A relative called me and said there were a few mercenaries shooting on the roads in Male'. At first, I thought it was a NSS exercise for the Republic Day celebrations. By then, my son's fever was down and he was sleeping. After a night without sleep my mind was racing and I decided to find out what was really going on.
I went out of the house and down through the lanes, and I saw a few people running for safety and then I found a boy I knew with blood on his knee. He was running for life after being shot. I stopped him and asked what was happening. He said there were a few Tamils trying to occupy NSS headquarters and he ran off.
I moved on and came to the oldest mosque in the island and in front of the minaret I could see a man on the road next to his bicycle and calling for help. I realized he was also shot. I tried to get close to him and stopped at the junction and looked around and saw a few guys in check-shirts shooting at NSS headquarters. As soon as one of them saw me 200 yards away, he ordered me to get back or he would shoot. I had no way to help the man dying on the road. My son needed me too. I went down the next lane and again I ran into people shooting, so I hid and had a good look at them.
They were moving back to back, so that anyone coming behind them would be seen. There were no NSS around and the roads were completely empty. I thought, what are the NSS doing to save us? I went back home and by this time my wife had woken up and she was looking after our son. I went back onto the streets and headed to the waterfront. There, people stared as if they were watching a live war game.
I could see the man who is supposed to raise the flag at 6am for the Foreign Ministry getting a hard time from a Tamil who was telling him to back off, which the flag bearer did, ultimately. But at first, the old man did not realize what a gun could do! The Tamil guy realised the old man was a bit simple, so he patiently warned the flag bearer several times before he obeyed.
Meanwhile, the Tamils were busy getting the islanders from the dhoanis as hostages. All these poor dhoani people were taken in a line in front of a building near the president's jetty. Still, there were no NSS on the streets of Male' and people started to wonder what the problem was and making angry remarks about the shops not being open. Fortunately, I had enough food at home for at least a week. What about the people who had to buy their food each day?
I was just about to cross a road and there was firing because the Tamils were not feeling safe when people moved around. I heard the sound of a bullet passing only an inch away from my face before hitting a nearby building. I decided to get away from that place and went into back streets. I met a friend who said the BBC had been reporting there were 200 dead. That was a shock to me. It wasn't true.
People were given wrong information. They were also told that leaders of the government had been seized by the Tamils. The Tamils went to the Telegraph complex and fired many times but fortunately the communication system kept operating because they couldn't take control of the building. They cut off the power but they put it back on by evening after many respectable people had been arrested by the Tamils.
People said the leaders had hidden under their beds and in barrels for hours in fear of their lives. The Indian government was contacted by a friend of mine and a lot of accurate information about the situation was passed to them.
An old friend of mine asked me to check if the guards at the President's house were safe. I went out and passed by the gate of the Indian Embassy. There was an old policeman and young one shivering with fear from not knowing what could happen next. They were shocked to see me. I tried to speak to them but their answers were limited. Anyway I asked them what I could do to help but they had no idea. I told them where the Tamils were located and then moved on because they were obviously too confused and my life was in danger.
That evening, I was close to NSS headquarters and I could see hand grenades blasting in front of the building and many people forced to sit along the waterfront.
I had two hours of sleep after dinner and went back onto the streets. By this time, the shooting had decreased though a few bullets were being fired into the air.
Then I learnt that the Indians were coming; they were very close to Male' and planned to land at the airport. I was up very late that night. I went towards the back of NSS HQ where there was a big hole in the wall. Firing had stopped around the area so I wheeled my bike along and slowly headed towards two dead people. One was an NSS officer in a white shirt and the other was a Tamil. He had a gun. The blood on his body had dried. I picked up his gun, removed the bullets and put the gun back. Then I went on to the duty-free shopping complex. There was a person on the rooftop firing occasionally at NSS HQ but he did not see me. There was a pile of empty bullet shells and the door was broken.
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The following day was Friday and the NSS were out on the streets and people complained because they were not on duty before and now they were trying to arrest suspects. People in Male' who had grudges, blamed people they didn't like and many were deceived by false rumours.
The Tamils had captured a ship and left with hostages. The Indians fired at the vessel and it had been holed at least once. The Indian warship gave chase. Some of the Tamils had not been able to board the vessel and they were still in Male', hiding wherever they could.
The Indians entered Male' with bazookas and heavy fighting equipment to attack the remaining Tamils. These weapons could have destroyed everything in the island and I wondered why they were so heavily armed.
On Saturday, I had to visit a resort island and I left that afternoon on a dhoani for the hour and half trip. I was worn out and decided to sleep. The engine stopped and I thought we had arrived, but it was a police launch and four men armed with AK47s were looking at me. They boarded the dhoani and checked beneath the planks and so on. Then finally they ordered me aboard their launch and off I went back to Male', dashing through the waves as if I was the greatest terrorist of all!
They took me to a room with 33 other people, and there was one stupid officer who strutted around intimidating us as if we were rebel mercenaries! Among the prisoners were three brothers who had been arrested because they refused to open the door when the Indians demanded. The Indians went into houses and checked cupboards. I was told they were impressed with the ladies' panties they found in the drawers.
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| Indian soldiers in Maldives November 1988 | |
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They had gone into my wife's house and turned everything over. The Indians had been accompanied by an NSS officer.
Soon it was dinnertime and we had to line up in groups of twenty and walk across to the prisoners' mess room. It stank in there. We had some food while the cops looked at us as if we were terrorists. Everyone was fed but sleeping was not allowed. An NSS officer banged his AK47 on the chair of anyone who fell asleep. All we could hear were the sounds of beatings and crying from people held in other sections.
There was a guy who was chained and made to kneel down and he got beaten by policemen whenever they entered the room. They hit him right on his spine and he yelled out in Sinhala. There was an old Sri Lankan man who was sitting next to me. He was taken off by the NSS and returned with pieces of glass in his pocket. He said the NSS had broken his spectacles. This gentleman was also Singhalese, not Tamil.
The night became a nightmare because I was used to a comfortable bed and usually spent my time among open-minded people. This was another side of life.
In the morning, everyone had to ask the policeman at the counter for permission to go to the toilet and after no sleep it was painful having to hold on and wait. Finally it was my turn for the toilet but it was unfit for human use. It was caked in a brown layer that must have been at least half an inch thick. Sulphuric acid would be the only way of cleaning it. I stood on my toes at the door and urinated. After three days I started to have an itchy and painful feeling when I urinated. I told the NSS I would like see the doctor and three days later a doctor came, but I was unable to tell him about jail conditions because there was a policeman listening to everything I said.
Each morning, I asked the NSS why I had been arrested. They would say my request has been passed on to their superiors. Some officers would come and stand in front of us smoking, because we weren't allowed to.
Fortunately, the government formed a committee to investigate us and the police quickly started cleaning up the place with Dettol. The stink was removed from the floor but not from the people. When a batch of Tamils went to the mess room, they were stinking like I have never experienced before.
Anyway, I was sure they would have to release me. One morning a friend of mine was asleep with his head bent over and a NSS officer came in, grabbed his hair and bashed his head into wall. I was held for nine days before being released. I no longer had any problem sleeping in a chair. Any seat with a cushion became a cosy place to crash for a few days.
Later I found out that the Trivandrum Airport was converted into a military airport and military flights were taking off there by 10pm on 2 November to collect personnel. Indian newspapers like the Hindu and other daily newspapers published that news by 7am, which means it was printed by 3am at the latest on the 3 November 1988, hours before the Tamils landed in Male'.
In his first speech after the attack, the President said he did not have any warning but later he admitted he knew about it. There were military posts erected with sandbags in different places in Male' just a few days before 3 November. People will remember that.
DO report - 3 November 2004
Photos from India Today, Novembaru Thinegge Udhvaanee Hamalaa, and Huvaas.
Editorial
Dhivehi Observer, 25 October 2007
In early 1979, a group of school children from Majeediya and Aminiya School, in their crispy white uniforms, sat nervously in a Television Maldives studio. They have just been told that the religious text that they used in school, written by the revered scholar Mohamed Jameel Didi, did not explain the true Islam that they should follow. Thus, each of them was given a piece of paper with a question on it, which they were told to memorize. Among the students included the Foreign Minister of today, Hon. Abdulla Shahid. During the programme they were supposed to ask the question as if it was their own. The man in front of them will give the answer. He will explain what true Islam was. He was Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, their new President.
This was the beginning of the extremist revolution in the Maldives by Dictator Gayyoom and his cronies that laid the foundation stone for the religious disharmony we see today. Soon after becoming President, he opened the first Islamic Schools, Mauhad, and Arabiyya soon followed. Religious scholars from Egypt were brought to 'enlighten' the Maldivians during the month of Ramadan; some who shocked the moderate Muslim community by preaching how men should beat their wives among other extreme practices. School textbooks were revised to follow the Dictator's version of Islam. A branch of Rabitat-al-Alam-Islamiya, an organization based in the Saudi that co-ordinated "the efforts of Islamic preachers the world over" among other things, was set up in the Maldives. And, similarly, at the peak of Palestinian Liberation Organization's terrorist activities in the 80's, the Dictator was its leader late Yasir Arafat's best friend and Maldives was home to the first embassy of PLO outside the Arab world.
Religious lectures with obvious anti-western overtones were given to students. Large rallies were held, using school children to condemn the Americans in particular and the West in general. Ridiculous rules were enforced on the people under the guise of Islam. People with long hair were persecuted. No sportsman was allowed to grow his hair long and was forced to take a crew cut if they wanted to continue playing their sport. Restaurants that had live music in the evening such as Ice-Ge were closed. Students were banned from having parties unless they got prior permission from the Home Ministry. It did not matter even if it was held in their own homes under the supervision of their own parents. The rule stood. It was only when his own children (who studied in UK and not in Egypt) became teenagers that the Dictator relaxed this rule.
The Dictator enjoyed being the supreme religious authority in the country for well over 25 years. He knew best and no one dared challenged him. Those who criticized him were harshly silenced, especially other religious scholars. Slowly but surely, in front of our eyes, the religious harmony that existed in the Maldives for centuries began to erode and chip away. Slowly the Maldivian culture that we all loved and were proud of, was being replaced by an Arab culture, all under the guise that it was Islamic. No one dared to say that you can still be a Muslim and follow Maldivian culture at the same time because they feared that what they say might be considered un-Islamic. Funds such as the Al-Quds Fund were set up and people were made to feel that it is their religious duty to donate. No one in the Maldives knows to-date what happened to the money in that particular fund.
One of the earliest things that the Dictator did was to replace Dhivehi names by Arab ones, not just the names we could give to our children, but also to everything he could use the Islamic banner on, such as mosques etc. With his group of friends, he preferred the use of Arabic to converse, rather than use Dhivehi, treating our own language with contempt. He lived like an Arab king, claiming that his authority was by divine rule and therefore should never be undermined or challenged. All the time, the poor Maldivians, honestly believed that this was a genuine attempt to show us the true Islam that we should all follow when all it was a guise to prolong and tighten his grip on power.
Fundamentalism, Wahhabism, extremism: you may call it by any name. But this division within our society is something that was created deliberately by this merciless Dictator.
Perhaps it maybe even better to call this extremism …Golhaabism.
Because Maumoon Abdul Gayoom IS the father of Extremism in the Maldives. This is his legacy.
"Corporate executives, journalists, personnel recruiters, librarians, researchers, students, and many others consult our information databases for in-depth information they can use with confidence," Who's Who state on their website.
Sappe', who is labeled a "modern day folk hero" in the Lonely Planet's latest guide to the Maldives, does not shed any tears for his victims:
Editorial
A.S.I. Moosa (Sappe'), Editor-in-Chief, Dhivehi Observer, 21 October 2007
For the first 25 years of his rule, the Maldives Dictator found it pretty easy going. Many had fallen into his "honey-trap"; some by bribery while others were duped into believing that he was indeed a benevolent leader. However, the pro-democracy campaign that was launched in 2003 in the aftermath of the horrendous murders in Maafushi jail committed the local police became the first nail on his coffin and is now going strong. Of course there were several pervious attempts to expose his crimes and oust him from power but these efforts were stopped by his regime before it gained any real momentum.
Dictator Gayoom's main element of strength that allowed him to continue his ruthless dictatorship from the start was the total control he had over the police and the army. He was able to abuse the system in such a way that even the slightest voice of dissent was completely crushed, setting examples for others who may rise against him. In addition to this, he was able to oppress the media and control the flow of information by appointing his family members and associates to important government posts. Corruption, nepotism and total brutality formed the pillars of his power.
However, after 25 years in total control, it began cracking as soon as organised opposition began their campaign from exile. The movement was able to reach out to the Maldivian people through the internet and inform them of their rights and convinced them of the need for change. Despite numerous attempts by the Dictator to crush this movement, he failed miserably and the movement if anything got stronger. It became a force to be reckoned with. The international community was lending their ears to the plight of the Maldivian people and the movement as a whole was able to keep the world informed of what the Dictator was getting up to at home.
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Then the Dictator dealt what he thought would be his trump card. He announced a reform package on 9th June 2004, in the hope that it would calm things down and reduce the pressure from the international community. The British PR firm, Hill & Knowlton played a key role in convincing the Dictator that by announcing a 'sweeping' reform package, he will be able to remain in control of the destiny of the Maldives. Hill & Knowlton could not to be more wrong. Of course, some believed that Gayyoom could deliver on his promises but it was my absolute conviction that a murderous dictator like Gayyoom was incapable of bringing any democratic reform. The man does not have it in him to be a democratic leader. He is a thoroughbred dictator and that is why I called for his resignation in the BBC report the day after he announced the so called 'sweeping reform' package. Lessons from the past 3 years since the launch of his reform agenda, the road map and all the rest of it, is proof of that.
However, the debates that followed after the announcement of Dictator's reform agenda set the basis for free thinking in the country. As expected, after just 5 debates, the Dictator closed the curtain down on the reformists and began arresting people indiscriminately, which paved the way for the unprecedented anti-government demonstration of 12-13 August 2004 (Black Friday). Again, the Dictator took the reformists for granted and used extreme force to crush the demonstration giving the world an insight into what he will do to salvage his autocratic rule and control over the country. The pressure from the international community increased as a result of the events of 'Black Friday' and the Dictator had to relinquish much of his powers as well as bring fundamental changes to the government structure, including the separation of the police and the army, in addition to removing some of his loyal old guards from the cabinet.
Of course, even today, the Dictator is trying his hardest to influence the constitutional reforms but the movement has its own momentum and he is unable to do as he wish. In other words, the grand plan of the demented dictator has failed and the reform process is on its on motion now.
The game is over for the Dictator but he is finding this truth very hard swallow. As such, it is hardly surprising that he is now trying to woo the international community by trying to portray himself as the last remaining stalwart against Islamic extremism, while all the time actively encouraging the spread of extremism and divisions in the society behind our backs. However, no one today will buy his lies. We all have seen him in his true colours, more than once.
Today, Dictator Gayyoom remains the only roadblock to reform. The sooner he is gone the better for it is only then that the real reform process can truly commence.
A bill has been proposed to the Parliament by members of Maldives Dictator Gayoom's own party DRP to increase his current salary of Mrf 75,000 to Mrf 200,000 per month, an increase of 267%. This is in addition to all the amenities he currently receives which included the cost of maintaining his private retreat of Aarah island, all his holiday expense and that of his family.
In comparison, the average Maldivian has to survive on around Mrf 2500 per month. Following are some of the average wages earned by government employees.
Human Resource Development Officer Gr II (graduate level) - Mrf 2810/-
Teacher Grade 3 (diploma level) – Mrf 2995/-
Staff Nurse (diploma level) – Mrf 3440/-
Secretary – Mrf 2170/-
Director – Mrf 4420/-
In addition to this, the State will have to offer a pension of the same amount to the Dictator if and when he retires. Additionally the State will have to provide him a house, an office and four staff members as well as footing the bill for his health care for life.
The bill also proposes a monthly allowance of Mrf 100,000 to his wife Nasreena Ibrahim!
British Parliamentary Debate - Maldives
19th October 2007, Source : Hansard
On 17th October, the British Parliament debated relations between the UK and Maldives. Members from both government and opposition spoke of the good relations between the UK and Maldives and the importance of the ongoing political reform process.
Speaking during the debate Foreign Office Minister Dr Kim Howells highlighted the excellent relationship between the two country and spoke about the recent bomb attack in Maldives and the assistance offered to the two British nationals who were injured.
The debate was initiated by an opposition (Conservative) MP, Mr David Amess. There was no vote at the end of the debate.
7 pm
Mr. David Amess (Southend, West) (Con): On an evening when I am sure that some hon. Members are a bit gloomy that England got beaten 2-1 in the football match-although we can look for better things against Croatia-I hope to cheer everyone up with this debate about the Maldives.
When we die, most of us aspire to enter paradise, even though we might be sinners. Well, I have news for the House: my hon. Friend the Member for Northampton, South (Mr. Binley) had an early taste of paradise when, through the all-party parliamentary group, we had the opportunity to visit the Maldives earlier this year. No words can describe adequately just how beautiful the islands are. He and I had a splendid visit, and learned at first hand the challenges faced by the Maldivian Government. I bring the House the good news that we were given an open opportunity to visit all parts of the Maldives, and that next year's plans will result in democracy being well and truly delivered to the islands.
Britain's relations with the Maldives began with our colonial expansion into south Asia in the mid to late 18th century. On 16 December 1887, the Sultan of the Maldives signed a contract with the British governor of Ceylon, turning the Maldives into a British protectorate. The British Government promised the islands military protection and non-interference in local administration, in exchange for an annual tribute paid by the Maldives. In 1957 the British established a Royal Air Force base in the strategic southernmost atoll of Addu, where hundred of locals were employed. Nineteen years later, the British Government decided to give up the base, as it was too expensive to maintain.
The Maldives has been an independent state throughout its known history, except for a brief period of 15 years of Portuguese occupation in the 16th century. The Maldives remained a British protectorate until 26 July 1965, but I am sure that the Minister will accept that the ties between Britain and the Maldives remain very close, even though it is no longer a British protectorate. We remain a leading economic power, and rightly still contribute aid to the Maldives, which is a developing country. The great disparity in wealth between our two countries, and our shared history, places an obligation on Britain to continue to provide assistance to that island state.
The Maldives is a small nation, but the House may not understand that it is made up of 1,200 coral islands, most of them uninhabited. The fact that none of them stands more than 6 ft above the level of the ocean makes the country very vulnerable to rises in sea level associated with global warming. With their abundant sea life and sandy beaches, the Maldives islands are often portrayed by travel companies as a paradise, and my hon. Friend the Member for Northampton, South can testify that it is.
The Maldives islands are absolutely magnificent, but many Maldivians live in absolute poverty. The country has done its best to develop its infrastructure and industries, including the fisheries sector, and there has been a boost in health care, education and literacy. I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Northampton, South hopes to catch your eye, Mr. Deputy Speaker, as he has some splendid ideas about developing further educational links between our two countries. I think that he also has some points to make about human rights.
In December 2004, the Maldives was hit by the Asian tsunami. Homes and resorts were devastated by the waves, precipitating a major rebuilding programme. The Maldives are beautiful but the country faces many challenges, one of which is the threat of rising sea levels.
During our visit, we saw at first hand just how vulnerable the islands are and I want to outline briefly some of the issues. Male', the capital, is home to the majority of the country's 300,000 inhabitants; it is by far the most developed of the Maldives islands. I do not know whether the Minister has had the opportunity to visit the island, but Male' is absolutely crowded-there is nowhere left on the island for building or development. That is a real issue.
To counter pressure on the capital, the Government have developed an extraordinary project; they have reclaimed and rebuilt an island, which will in time be bigger than the capital. Hundreds of people already live on the island and the Maldivian Government are considering the construction of a bridge or causeway to link Male' to the new island. So far, under the first phase, 1,500 people have gone to live in the housing that is being erected on the 465-acre island. It is an absolutely magnificent project.
Hulamale' is already the same size as the island of Male' and will more than double when the project has been completed. It is phased over 40 years and eventually the island will house 153,000 people. The vast, flat, barren rectangle is a far cry from the rest of the Maldive islands. The project began in 1997 and will be completed in a number of stages. It has already cost £30 million. Male' residents are being given priority in land and home purchases and the Government of President Gayoom are offering real estate at a 40 per cent. discount on prices in the capital as an incentive.
The President has spent much of his 26 years in power warning of the dangers of global warming, erosion and shifting weather patterns. The reclaimed island offers an opportunity for British involvement in the development of the project and I hope the Minister will reflect on it.
The new island will be 2 m above sea level-a metre higher than Male'-as a safeguard against the rising ocean. Commenting on the threat of rising sea levels in relation to the project, the President said:
"There is encroachment of the sea on many islands, there is erosion of our beaches. We think the new Male' is sufficient for the time being. Of course we can't foresee what will happen 50 or 60 years from now."
We hope that the island will be safe in the future.
My hon. Friend and I visited a regeneration project on Dhiffushi island. The tsunami that hit south Asia in 2004 struck the Maldives on 26 December at 9.20 am. It destroyed lives and affected the livelihoods of a third of the population. The disaster severely affected the whole country, flooding all but nine islands-13 islands were completely evacuated. The tsunami claimed
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82 lives, left 26 people missing and displaced more than 15,000 people. It destroyed much of the country's physical asset base, including homes and entire settlements, public service utilities, such as hospitals, clinics and schools, transport and communications infrastructure, private businesses and livelihoods. The main industries of tourism and fishing were badly hit. The total asset loss is estimated at 62 per cent. of the Maldives gross domestic product.
One island that was very badly hit by the tsunami was the one that my hon. Friend and I were taken to. There we saw a wonderful project to look after people with mental health problems, and we also saw a number of other projects. However, I cannot emphasise enough to the Minister the fact that the people there are struggling. They need more help. None of the Ministers and officials whom we met asked for anything, but, given the financial constraints, my hon. Friend and I thought that our Government could be encouraged to do a little more than is being done at the moment. The reconstruction project was absolutely wonderful.
The Maldivian Government have proposed an investment programme of £200 million to meet the challenges caused by the devastating tsunami of three years ago. The work that has so far been completed on the land reclamation project has cost £33.25 million and the total cost of the project will of course be much greater than that.
I congratulate our Government on the way that they have responded to the challenges and helped the Maldivian Government so far. The British Red Cross was also absolutely magnificent in helping to construct new houses. The Government have done the very best that they can to support the Maldivian Government, but many more challenges need to be faced.
I shall end with a few remarks about the political situation. I want to praise my noble Friend Lord Naseby, who is the chairman of the all-party parliamentary group. He has already met one of the election commissioners and was very impressed by the meeting. The view is that there will probably be a bigger turnout when the elections are held next year than there would be in a British general election, and he was very impressed by the arrangements that are in hand. The Parliament and the President sit for five years, and the President is chief of state and the Head of Government. When a referendum was held on the way forward, there was a very high turnout and 90,000 voted for the new agenda and 60,000 voted against. The outcome was very satisfactory and new elections are scheduled for 2008. I hope that our Government will enthusiastically send observers to oversee the election process.
During the trip, my hon. Friend and I met the Speaker, the Foreign Minister and the Chancellor and we were given wide access to any number of officials. However, the Maldivian Government are concerned about Islamic fundamentalism.
I say to the Minister that there are many commercial opportunities for the United Kingdom. The desire for development, the relaxation of foreign investment regulations, the level of political stability and the extent of existing cultural ties mean that the Maldives is a very attractive location for UK foreign investment. I encourage UK firms to grasp that opportunity, and that opportunity is to unite with the Maldivian Government in what my hon. Friend and I regard as an early sight of paradise.
7.13 pm
Mr. Brian Binley (Northampton, South) (Con): I am most grateful to you, Mr. Speaker, and especially to the Minister for allowing me to take part in this debate. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Southend, West (Mr. Amess) for securing it.
I am the secretary of the all-party Maldives group and although it is paradise, I can assure the Minister that work does take place in paradise. Indeed, we worked really quite hard and were well received wherever we went. As my hon. Friend said, the whole of society was opened up to us and we were taken wherever we asked to go. That is worth saying.
As the Minister will know, there have been political difficulties in the Maldivian system. I know that the British Government have been heartened by the fact that the country embarked on a change programme two or three years ago. I am delighted to report to the Minister that the change programme is moving on apace. A problem might be that we see the Maldives as not the perfect democratic nation, but it is striving to get there. As my hon. Friend said, the referendum was very successful and a massive proportion of the electorate took part. Hopefully, the elections in September 2008 will prove conclusively that the Maldivian people are in possession of a representative democracy of which they can be proud. This is thus a good time for us to help the Maldives, which was a protectorate for so long and where English is spoken. The fact that the Maldives looks to our country as a model and a great friend certainly came over to my hon. Friend and I.
What can we do? There is a real problem with education. There are about 80,000 pupils in Maldivian schools, but only up to secondary school level. Anyone who wishes to pursue further education to any extent must leave the country. When we asked the Minister, the honourable Abdulla Shahid, the areas of activity in which Britain might help, he suggested further education, especially in connection with British universities. We said that we would explore that area of activity, so my hon. Friend and I intend to contact our senior educational establishments. We are talking to foundations that might be able to help with the creation of a university college, or at least some attachment of that kind that could relate to a British university, given that the country uses British exams. We hope that something might come of that.
The Minister is involved in and appreciative of relationships with the Maldives. He is what we in Northamptonshire might call a good old boy-I hope that that is parliamentary language, Mr. Speaker. I know that the Minister is a kind man, so I wonder whether he might allow my hon. Friend and I to spend 10 minutes with him to determine whether we could pursue the possibility of working closely with our senior educational establishments with a view to helping the Maldivian people into the degree of higher education that is difficult for them to attain now.
I am grateful for your kindness, Mr. Speaker, and to the Minister. I look forward to hearing the Minister's response.
7.17 pm The Minister for the Middle East (Dr. Kim Howells): May I join the hon. Member for Northampton, South (Mr. Binley) in congratulating the hon. Member for Southend, West (Mr. Amess) on securing the debate? I welcome the close interest of the hon. Member for Southend, West in the issues that have been raised. If he does not mind me saying so, it is always a pleasure to debate with him. He believes passionately in the causes that he champions, as does the hon. Member for Northampton, South. I do not always agree with the hon. Gentlemen, but I recognise the force of their arguments.
I am pleased to have the opportunity to respond to the debate on relations between the United Kingdom and the Maldives. Mention of the Maldives will readily evoke images of picture-postcard islands and crystal-clear water. We have heard such a description today. I have not had the opportunity to visit the country, but, hopefully, I will do so one day. I cannot remember whether this was mentioned, but 100,000 British citizens go there for a holiday every year, which in itself is a testament to not only the beauty of the islands, but their potential, which was the most interesting aspect of the hon. Gentlemen's speeches.
We enjoy excellent relationships with the Maldives, both bilaterally and through our shared membership of the Commonwealth. Many Maldivians hold Her Majesty the Queen and the United Kingdom in high regard. That is reflected at ministerial level, and through the close relationships between Foreign and Commonwealth Office officials and the Maldivian Government.
In his visit in July, President Gayoom had an audience with the Queen. He also met my noble Friend Lord Malloch-Brown, the Minister with responsibility for Africa, Asia and the United Nations, at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. They reviewed our wide range of shared interests, which include education, trade, tourism and addressing the challenges of climate change. More recently, senior FCO officials met the new Maldivian Foreign Minister, Mr. Abdulla Shahid, and the Deputy Foreign Minister, Ms Dhunya Maumoon, who was educated in Britain. She is the daughter of the President and is married to a British national. Officials also met Mohamed Nasheed, who is the leader of the opposition Maldivian Democratic party.
I was interested in the suggestion that the hon. Member for Northampton, South, made about establishing closer contacts with UK universities; I could not agree with him more. We do not work hard enough at that. I will give him an undertaking: tomorrow night, I will have the pleasure of dining with the distinguished Professor Merfyn Jones, who is chairman of Higher Education Wales, which represents Welsh universities. I shall mention the subject to him, because he has done some pioneering work on contacts between Bangor university, of which he is the vice-chancellor, and Kuwait. Work is done on important maritime studies, and I have no doubt that issues such as climate change could easily be included.
The hon. Member for Southend, West, mentioned that the Maldivians are extremely concerned about climate change, and he gave us the most vivid example possible. While I was swotting for the debate, I read that no point in the Maldives is higher than 2.5 m. When we read some of the predictions of what will happen if sea
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levels rise, we see that climate change poses the gravest threat to life and commerce in the Maldives. I am glad that the hon. Gentleman mentioned the subject, and we want to work with him on it.
When I made inquiries with our officials, they said, "Look, as for contact between the Maldivians and us, we are no more than a phone call away." We have a very good relationship with the Maldivians, and it is not at a formal level. If they want to speak to us, they can do so at any time. I wanted to reiterate that in the House tonight, because it is an important point. We care a great deal about the Maldives. It has a very small population of 350,000, but as the hon. Member for Southend, West, pointed out, it has strong historical links with our country, and we want to nurture and strengthen those links.
I was fascinated to hear the hon. Gentleman's description of the new town that is set to grow, possibly with a causeway connection to the capital, Male'. That is an exciting prospect. The hon. Gentleman probably already knows, although I admit that I do not, whether the Maldivians are looking closely at the new developments in the Gulf, where causeways are being used to enlarge the available building land. He made an important point when he said that it is easy to run out of land. We may be talking about the biggest occupied atoll in the world, but that does not mean that there is a lot of land there for development. Clearly, we are talking about a country with aspirations-I will come to the points that the hon. Member for Northampton, South, made on that subject later. It aspires not just to become a more transparent and vigorous democracy, although I believe that it is that, but to feed itself and to ensure a sustainable economy. As the tourism industry grows, so will the population, probably-and why should it not? However, it will be a fine balance, because there is not much room. From our own constituencies, we all know how difficult it is to get land for development, even though we have such an abundance of it. For the Maldives, the problem is acute.
I am sure that the hon. Gentlemen and the entire House will join me in condemning the appalling bomb attack on 29 September that injured 12 tourists, including two British nationals. We offer our sincere condolences to those injured, some of whom are still recuperating from the attack. The bombers, whoever they were, do not represent the overwhelming majority of the Maldivian people, who reacted with horror to the attack. Their reaction was not only of great comfort to the victims, but sent an unambiguous message to the perpetrators that the Maldives is united against terrorism. My noble Friend Lord Malloch-Brown wrote to Foreign Minister Shahid on 4 October to express our gratitude for the generous and effective response of the Maldivian Government, the tourism industry and the Maldivian general public for their expressions of opposition to that outrage.
I join the hon. Member for Southend, West in saying that that attack did not represent the Maldives. Perhaps it was designed to try to weaken confidence in the Maldives and to tell people that they should not go there. We have seen the same tactics being used in Sharm el-Shaikh and elsewhere. I have been impressed by the determination of the Maldivian people in re-asserting that that is a country worth living in and one which has a great future.
I echo the words of the hon. Member for Northampton, South-if it was the hon. Member for Southend, West, I hope he will forgive me-who paid tribute to the work of the noble Lord Naseby, whom we know well. He has done sterling work in helping our Government and the House to focus on helping the Maldives to achieve a more democratic and transparent system of government. That has been a remarkable achievement. As the hon. Member for Northampton, South told us, the transition has not been easy and there is a long way to go yet, but we appreciate the fact that President Gayoom has set in train an ambitious reform programme to adopt a new constitution and to institute multi-party democracy.
We should not underestimate the challenges in attempting to make the transition from a political system that was based heavily on patronage and state control to a multi-party liberal democracy in the space of just a few years. In some areas, such as freedom of expression and the media, the formation of political parties and the development of civil society, there has been good, albeit not always consistent, progress. We would like to see more movement in other areas. I understand that the new constitution is well on its way to being finished. I heard today that 13 chapters had been written. It is being put together by a constituent assembly, and the United Nations Development Programme has provided assistance in the drafting. That is encouraging news.
In August the Maldives constitutional referendum was the first national poll since the creation of political parties. The hon. Member for Southend, West asked whether we could send election observers out there. We would like to do that, but whether we can is another matter. It is an important issue. We would certainly support full Commonwealth or European Union election observation missions and British participation in those missions to observe what promises to be the first multi-party elections next year.
I am told, and the hon. Gentlemen have confirmed to me tonight, that because of the nature of Maldivian geography, with hundreds of small islands-I think that more than 200 are inhabited-an international observation team would not be able to cover the entire country. It is at least as important that there should be sufficient domestic observers, through the Maldives human rights commission and the political parties. I very much hope that we can take that forward.
29 September August 2007
Listeners in the Maldives capital of Male can now enjoy BBC programmes for the first time thanks to a new agreement with 95.6 Capital Radio, owned by Asna Maldives Pte Ltd. 95.6 Capital Radio will broadcast BBC news bulletins, current affairs and analyses programmes daily .
Helen Kathuria, BBC Business Development Manager for the South Asia Pacific region said: “We are delighted to be partnering with one of the first private radio broadcaster in the Maldives. Listeners can now enjoy a range of BBC programmes, including news and analysis, and be kept up to date with the latest developments in global affairs and events.”
Mr. Abdulla Nasheed, Managing Director of Asna Maldives owners of Capital Radio said: “We are thrilled to be offering quality radio programmes from a credible news source to our listeners."
BBC programming can be heard on Capital Radio 95.6 every day between 0400 and 1000. In addition, BBC news bulletins will broadcast at 1100, 1400, 1700 and 2100 as well as sports news at 1350, 2050. Health Check can be heard on Mondays at 1530.
On
Maldives Dictator had pre-planned to rig Saturday's vote and printing extra ballot papers was part of the plan, it's been revealed. "We know that he had printed 500,000 ballot papers, but as we witnessed on the day, lots of stations ran out of ballot papers and in the case of Thinadhoo, papers were brought later on by a chartered flight," said Saleem Ali, asserting his view that the vote was rigged. "Also, the ink used in the voting was not permanent so many supporters of the regime, especially police in the island were able to vote more than once. We did not think about all this when we were monitoring the voting procedure," he added further. Despite this large quantity to printed ballot papers, we understand that new papers are being printed for the re-run of voting in two locations in Hithadhoo, which many are saying that they will boycott in protest for rigging the vote.
